Letter to Maltese MEPS to Vote Against the Matic Report

Letter to Maltese MEPS to Vote Against the Matic Report

Friday,11th June,2021

Dear Member of the European Parliament,

We write to you on behalf of Life Network Foundation Malta, a registered Voluntary organisation, that works towards promoting the value of each and every human life.

As might be informed, on June 23rd, the European Parliament will vote on the so-called Matić report, a proposal from the Women’s Committee.

This report is a new edition of the Estrela report, which had in 2013, proposed abortion as a fundamental human right. The European Parliament rightly rejected the Report basically on the principle of subsidiarity since matters relating to abortion are left, according to the Treaties, in the exclusive hands and jurisdiction of the member states.  

Now there is a new edition – the Matic report. This time the report, not only calls for a declaration of a so-called right to abortion as a human right; but there is also an urgent request to the member states to ensure that Pro-Life organizations shall no more be allowed to provide information and education, and to ensure that in all member states sex education be made compulsory already in primary schools, following the guidelines of the WHO.

The Matic report recommends State funding for abortion as well as an end to the possibility for medical staff to resort to conscientious objection concerning the termination of pregnancies. 

Our main objections as a network of pro-life organizations are that:

  • Abortions are expressly not part of the common European policy; they are the responsibility of the individual member states.
  • The report therefore ignores the principle of subsidiarity, which considers in particular the moral values ​​of the people of a country.
  • Each country is entitled to discuss and decide for itself on how its values ​​are shaped into laws – there are national parliaments for this. Moreover, in the case of Malta a Protocol was included in the Treaty of Accession that matters relating to abortion are to be decided by the Maltese people and no one else. 
  • Breaching the principle of subsidiarity on a matter where different views prevail, and where millions cherish the right to life of the unborn child, will fuel Euro-scepticism in the sense that the matter will be used as an example of the European institutions unnecessarily interfering with the decisions and activities of member states.
  • The proposal to restrict freedom of conscience on such a delicate matter is a serious matter, which may create a precedent for other areas of activity where conscience is involved. An annulment of this right by EU diktat on such elementary issues leads to even more disenchantment with the EU and politics and may drive voters to the parties that openly articulate this disaffection.
  • The reasoning of the report, according to which Pro Life organizations pose a threat to the right to life because they spread “false information” and pursue “nationalist goals”, is defamatory and discriminatory.
  • The European Court stated in a decision of 18 October 2011 in Oliver Brüstle Greenpeace e.V that from the moment of conception, the embryo is a human being that must be protected – this is exactly the position taken by the Pro-Life organizations who advocate this protection.
  • The Report thus lays hand on the right to freedom of expression, the right to freedom of conscience, the right to freedom of religion and, above all, the right to life for all people.

We therefore respectfully appeal to you to exercise your right to vote against the adoption of the Matic Report. In view of the fact that the vast majority of Maltese people are against abortion being treated as a fundamental human right, it is fit and proper that you express your disapproval and concern when the Report comes up for voting in the European Parliament.

We are at your disposal and available for any queries you might have or information you might request.

 

Kind regards

 

Dr. Miriam Sciberras BChD (Hons) MA Bioethics

Chairman | Life Network Foundation Malta

 

Ittra lil EU MEP biex jivvutaw kontra r-Rapport Matic 2021

Ittra lil EU MEP biex jivvutaw kontra r-Rapport Matic 2021

Il-Ġimgħa 11 ta’ Ġunju, 2021

Għażiż Membru tal-Parlament Ewropew,

Qegħdin niktbulek f’isem il-Fondazzjoni Life Network Malta, fondazzjoni li taħdem sabiex il-ħajja ta’ kull kreatura umana tkun protetta matul il-ħajja kollha tiegħu jew tagħha.

Kif taf, fit-23 ta’ Ġunju, l-Parlament Ewropew sejjer jivvota fuq l-hekk imsejjaħ Rapport Matic, propost mill-Kumitat tan-Nisa.

Dan ir-rapport huwa edizzjoni ġdida tar-Rapport Estrela li fl-2013 kien ippropona l-abort bħala dritt fundamentali tal-bniedem. Il-Parlament dakinhar ġustament irriġetta dak ir-Rapport, l-aktar abbażi tal-prinċipju tas-sussidjarjetà peress li materji relatati mal-abort huma mħollija, skont it-Trattati, f’idejn u fil-ġuriżdizzjoni esklussiva tal-Istati Membri.

Issa għandna edizzjoni ġdida – Ir-Rapport Matic. Din id-darba ir-Rapport mhux biss isejjaħ l-hekk  imsemmi dritt għall-abort bħala dritt tal-bniedem; iżda wkoll fih talba urġenti lill-Istati Membri sabiex jassiguraw  li l-għaqdiet favur il-ħajja ma jitħallewx iktar jipprovdu informazzjoni u edukazzjoni f’pajjiżhom u li l-edukazzjoni dwar is-sess issir obbligatorja fl-iskejjel primarji sabiex b’hekk issegwi l-linji gwida tal-WHO.

Ir-Rapport jirrakkomanda finanzjament mill-Istat għall-abort kif ukoll li jitneħħa d-dritt li professjonista jkun jista’ jeżenta ruħu minn xi proċedura jew trattament minħabba oġġezzjoni ta’ kuxjenza rigward it-terminazzjoni ta’ tqala.

L-oġġezzjonijiet ewlenin tagħna bħala fondazzjoni favur il-ħajja huma dawn li ġejjin:

  • L-abort bħala suġġett ma hux parti mill-politika komuni Ewropea u huwa mħolli fir-responsabbilita’ tal-Istati Membri.
  • Ir-Rapport għalhekk jikser il-prinċipju tas-sussidjarjetà li jieħu inkosiderazzjoni partikolarment il-valuri morali tal-poplu ta’ pajjiż.
  • Is-soċjetà f’pajjiż għandha jkollha d-dritt li tiddiskuti u tiddeċiedi għaliha kif dawk il-valuri jieħdu l-forma ta’ liġijiet – u hemm il-Parlamenti Nazzjonali għal dan il-għan. Barra minn hekk fil-każ ta’ Malta kien ġie nkluż Protokoll fit-Trattat ta’ Adezjoni, fis-sens li materji marbuta mal-abort jiġu dejjem deċiżi mill-poplu Malti u minn ħadd iżjed.
  • Il-ksur tal-prinċipju tas-sussidjarjetà f’materja fejn jipprevalu fehmiet differenti, meta miljuni ta’ persuni jgħożżu d-dritt tal-ħajja tat-tarbija mhux imwielda, jagħti lok għal ewroxettiċiżmu fis-sens li din il-materja tiġi użata bħala eżempju ta’ kemm l-istituzzjonijiet Ewropej jindaħlu bla bżonn fid-deċiżjonijiet u attivitaijiet tal-Istati Membri.
  • Il-proposta li tiġi ristretta l-libertà tal-kuxejnza fuq materja daqshekk delikata hija ħaġa serja li tista’ toħloq preċedent f’oqsma oħra ta’ attivita’ fejn hemm imdaħħla l-kuxjenza. L-annulament ta’ dan id-dritt b’ordni arbitrarja mill-Unjoni Ewropea fuq materja daqshekk bażika twassal għal iktar sfiduċja fl-Unjoni u fil-politika.
  • Ir-raġunament wara r-Rapport, li igħid li l-għaqdiet favur il-ħajja huma theddida għad-dritt tal-ħajja għax ixerrdu “informazzjoni falza” u jsegwu “għanijiet nazzjonalistiċi”, huwa inġurjuż u diskiminatorju.
  • Il-Qorti Ewropeja tal-Ġustizzja f’deċiżjoni tat-18 t’Ottubru 2010 fil-każ Oliver Brustle v. Greenpeace e.V qalet li mill-mument tat-tnissil, l-embrijun huwa ħlejqa umana li għandha titħares – din hija eżattament il-pożizzjoni tal-għaqdiet favur il-ħajja li jemmnu f’din il-protezzjoni.
  • Ir-Rapport jimpinġi fuq il-libertà tal-espressjoni, dik tal-kuxjenza u l-libertà reliġjuża u fuq kollox fuq id-dritt tal-ħajja tal-persuni kollha.

Aħna għalhekk bir-rispett kollu, nappellawlek sabiex teżerċita d-dritt tiegħek li tivvota kontra l-adozzjoni ta’ dan ir-Rapport. In vista tal-fatt li l-maġġoranza kbira tal-Maltin huma kontra li l-abort jitqies bħala dritt fundamentali tal-bniedem, huwa sewwa u xieraq li inti tesprimi d-diżapprovazzjoni u t-tħassib tiegħek meta r-Rapprt jitressaq għall-votazzjoni mill-Parlament Ewropew

Aħna qegħdin għad-dispożizzjoni tiegħek għal kull mistoqsija li trid tagħmel jew informazjzoni li inti tkun tixtieq minn għandna.

Inselli ghalik,

Dr. Miriam Sciberras BChD (Hons) MA Bioethics

Chairman | Life Network Foundation Malta

What Does It Mean to Be Pro-life?

What Does It Mean to Be Pro-life?

The definition of being pro-life, as stated by https://www.thefreedictionary.com/, is “advocating the legal protection of human embryos and foetuses, especially by favouring the outlawing of abortion on the ground that it is the taking of a human life.”

But being pro-life is so much more than that!

Being pro-life is not just about opposing abortion. It is also about being in favour of anything that protects and preserves life at all stages, from the moment of conception until natural death. It involves the promotion of life as being precious and cherished. It calls for the nurturing of life of all human beings, young and old, and providing sanctuary in practical ways to those who need it. It entails offering physical and emotional support to those who are suffering or infirm and safeguarding the life of those who are mentally unable to think for themselves.

Being pro-life means just that—for life!

There are many misconceptions about people who are pro-life in today’s society. When someone states that they are pro-life, others automatically assume that they are:

  • deeply religious and/or influenced by their belief in God
  • anti-science
  • opposed to women and their rights
  • unsympathetic towards victims of rape and incest
  • uncaring about women who find themselves facing an unwanted pregnancy
  • unwilling to help people who are suffering

These and other similar views are a very false reflection of who a pro-lifer really is.

A person who is pro-life can be an atheist or a believer. They can be Catholic, or Hindu, or following any other religion—or even no religion at all. The root of respecting life has nothing to do with theological beliefs or non-beliefs. It actually stems from the simple basic fact that every life is precious because it is alive.

And this remains true whether that life is in the womb or outside it; whether young or old; whether physically or mentally ill; whether sick or dying. There is obviously nothing wrong with being religious or believing in God. But it doesn’t automatically make a person pro-life. Loving and protecting life does!

Being in favour of life does not automatically exclude science from the equation either.

On the contrary, pro-lifers support and promote that which science continues to reveal—the main point being that life begins at conception, and therefore it deserves protection and respect from that very point onwards. The advances in science have also offered us an exclusive view of the baby inside the womb. There is also a better understanding of the side effects of birth control medication and the morning after pill on a woman’s body and her reproductive organs. And these may also be a detriment to the process of life at its early stages.

Furthermore, science continues to discover new ways of carrying out medical and routine procedures whilst safeguarding life at all times. New treatments and medications are constantly being identified to help those who are at the mercy of a terminal or debilitating disease. Therefore, science does play a very important part in the pro-life movement, especially when it is used to sustain and save life at all cost.

A pro-lifer seeks the safety and security of the life of every other person other than themselves.

This includes all men and women, whether inside the womb or out of it, at whatever age. Opposing abortion therefore does not mean that a pro-lifer is unaffected by the plight of the young girl or woman who is carrying an unwanted child, or that they do not care about the circumstances, such as rape and incest, that led to the pregnancy. It does not mean that the pro-lifer wants only to save the life of the baby, without thinking about its wellbeing after it is born. It does not entail ignoring the adults in the equation either, especially when abuse and violence is involved.

Opposing abortion means that both the lives of the woman and the unborn child are precious. In fact, many pro-life groups offer pregnancy support through crisis centres, counselling services, adoption agencies, fostering, and many other facilities that will aid the mother in practical and financial ways, as well as ensure the safety of the child.

The concept that abortion is perfectly safe for the mother is far from true.

Besides being in itself anything but a simple procedure, abortion leaves the woman with numerous physical, emotional, and psychological side effects that are largely dismissed. The truth is that women do die from abortion. They sometimes risk losing their fertility. They do end up in emergency rooms with massive complications from the procedure.

Additionally, the psychological harm often does not show up until years later. But then, as countless women testify, it often attacks with a vengeance. This is why pro-lifers support women who are dealing with unplanned pregnancies. This is the reason these women are presented with alternatives to termination—and offered counselling if they did opt for one.

This is why being pro-life means being in favour of women and their wellbeing.

As for the rights of the woman over her body, the pro-life movement accepts and respects the fact that she is entitled to them in full. However, once a baby is conceived, there is no longer one person but two, both of which have rights, the most basic being the right to live. The woman needs to take into consideration that the other person—the child in the womb—also deserves to have rights just as much as she does.

Even if the baby is conceived after rape, he or she is a victim just like its mother. That baby certainly does not deserve to pay for someone else’s crime with its own life. When the child is wanted, the mother is ready to fight for its life and for its rights, even when it’s still inside her womb. Why then should it be any different if the baby is unwanted? All of us, from the moment of conception, deserve a chance to live, to be born, to exist…to just be!

And what about the terminally ill, the infirm, and the disabled?

In all these cases, pro-life groups are more than willing to help promote improvements in palliative care and support for those who need it. Pro-lifers strongly oppose the deliberate ending of someone’s life. This is not because they do not care, but because euthanasia gives rise to a culture of death that makes life disposable.

It may be understandable that when a person is in great pain or is unable to look after even their basic needs on their own, they would want it all to end as soon as possible. In fact, a patient has every right to refuse medical treatment which will only serve to prolong their suffering.

But being deliberately helped to die by those who, by profession, should be saving lives is contradictory and anti-life.

And what about all the instances when euthanasia is used to solve depression? Or because something goes wrong in one’s life? Or even to take away the life of someone who is, or has become, disabled? The popular rhetoric is always “Why shouldn’t I do what I like with my own life?”

But this question completely ignores the fact that euthanasia cases represent a very small number of cases, compared to the hundreds of thousands of cherished people represented by disability groups worldwide, who are all in favour of protecting their vulnerable members.

Palmer Williams summed up the whole pro-life concept in the best possible way.

An Associate Counsel with the American Center for Law and Justice—which focuses on government affairs, sanctity of life, and international law—Williams stated:

“Above all, the pro-life movement is deeply rooted in the fundamental belief that all life, no matter how small or poor or unwanted, is worth protecting. 

 Those of us who are pro-life fight for the inherent dignity within every human life, no matter what the age or stage of human development. Our advocacy does not end in the delivery room. In fact, that is only where it begins.

 To be pro-life is to defend the unborn, the widows, the disabled, and the orphans, like organizations serving those with special needs or helping families adopt orphans. To be pro-life is to serve the least of these in communities next door and across oceans, like organizations who serve the homeless or refugees who have fled war zones. To be pro-life is to build institutions that promote the flourishing of all human beings.”

Source: http://aclj.org/pro-life/what-does-it-really-mean-to-be-pro-life

 

X’jiġifieri tkun Favur il-Ħajja (Pro-Life)

X’jiġifieri tkun Favur il-Ħajja (Pro-Life)


Li tkun favur il-ħajja (pro-life) jfisser li titkellem favur il-ħarsien legali tal-embrijuni u l-feti umani, speċjalment billi tkun favur li l-abort ikun kontra l-liġi minħabba li huwa qtil ta’ ħajja umana. (Definizzjoni addattata u tradotta minn https://www.thefreedictionary.com )

Però li tkun favur il-ħajja (pro-life)) huwa ħafna aktar minn hekk

Li tkun favur il-ħajja ma jfissirx li tkun biss kontra l-abort. Ifisser li tkun favur dak kollu li jħares u jiiddefendi l-ħajja fl-istadji kollha, mill-mument tat-tnissil sal-mewt naturali. Tfisser li l-ħajja timbuttaha ‘l quddiem għax hija prezzjuża u ta’ min jgħożżha. Tagħmel dak kollu li tista’ biex tindokra l-ħajja ta’ kull bniedem, kbir jew żgħir, u tagħti sostenn, fil-prattika, lil kull min jeħtieġu. Jikkomporta wkoll li toffri l-appoġġ fiżiku u emozzjonali lil min qiegħed isofri, jew ma jiflaħx u tissalvagwardja il-ħajja ta’ dawk li mentalment ma jistgħux jaħsbu fihom infushom.

Li tkun favur il-ħajja ifisser propju li żżom dejjem mal-ħajja

Fis-soċjetà hemm ħafna ideat żbaljati dwar dawk min hu favur il-ħajja. Meta xi ħadd jistqarr li hu favur il-ħajja, hemm min awtomatikament jassumi li dan huwa:

  • reliġjuż ħafna u/jew influwenzat mit-twemmin tiegħu f’Alla.
  • kontra x-xjenza
  • kontra n-nisa u d-drittijiet tagħhom
  • nieqes mis-simpatija lejn il-vittmi tal-istupru u tal-inċest
  • ma jimpurtahx min-nisa li jsibu ruħhom tqal bla mistenni
  • mhux lest li jgħin lil min qiegħed ibati.

Dawn il-fehmiet u oħrajn li jixbhuhom jagħtu idea falza ta’ x’ikun tassew xi ħadd favur il-ħajja.

Min hu favur il-ħajja jista jkun ateu u jista’ jkun jemmen. Jista’ jkun Kattoliku, Ħindu, jew segwaċi ta’ xi reliġjon oħra – jew mingħajr reliġjon. L-għeruq tar-rispett lejn il-ħajja m’għandu x’jaqsam xejn ma’ twemmin jew nuqqas ta’ twemmin teoloġiku. Joħorġu mill-fatt bażiku sempliċi li kull ħajja hija prezzjuża għax hija ħajja – għax qed tgħix.

U dan jibqa’ veru kemm jekk il-ħajja hija ġol-ġuf u kemm jekk hija barra; kemm jekk hija żagħżugħa jekk jekk hija anzjana. Naturalment, m’hemm xejn ħażin li tkun reliġjuż jew li temmen f’Alla. Imma dak ma jfissirx li tkun awtomatikament  favur il-ħajja. Tkun favur il-ħajja jekk tkun tħobb il-ħajja u tħarisha!

Li tkun favur il-ħajja ma fissirx li awtomatikamnet ma tagħtix widen għax-xjenza.

Anzi, dawk li huma favur il-ħajja jappoġġjaw u jimbuttaw ‘il quddiem dak li x-xjenza tiskopri – bil-punt ewlieni jkun li l-ħajja tibda mat-tnissil, u għalhekk jixirqilha l-ħarsien u r-rispett sa minn dak il-waqt. L-avvanzi fix-xjenza ippermetewlna naraw it-tarbija kif tkun eżatt fil-ġuf. Barra minn hekk, issa nistgħu nifhmu aktar x’inhuma s-side effects tal-pilloli tal-kontroll tat-twelid fuq ġisem il-mara u l-organi riproduttivi tagħha.U anke dawn jaf ikunu ta’ tfixkil għall-proċess tal-ħajja fil-bidu.

Barra minn hekk, ix-xjenza dejjem tiskopri modi ġodda  kif jistgħu jsiru proċeduri mediċi u ta’ rutina, u fl-istess ħin il-ħajja tkun dejjem imħarsa. Il-ħin kollu jinstabu trattamenti u mediċini ġodda biex jgħinu lill-vittmi ta’ mard terminali jew li jdgħajjef lil dak li jkun. Għalhekk ix-xjenza għandha rwol importanti ħafna fil-moviment favur il-ħajja, speċjalment meta tintuża biex issaħħaħ u ssalva l-ħajja akkost ta’ kollox.

Min hu favur il-ħajja jixtieq li l-ħajja ta’ kulħadd, u mhux tiegħu biss, tkun fiż-żgur.

Dan jinkludi il-bnedmin kollha, kemm ġol-ġuf u kemm barra minnu, għandhom kemm għandhom età. Li tkun kontra l-abort ma jfissirx li jinteressakx mill-problemi ta’ xi tfajla jew mara li qiegħda ġġorr fiha tarbija li ma tixtiqhiex, jew li li ma jimpurtakx minn ċerti ċirkustanzi, bħalma huma l-istupru u l-inċest li jistgħu jwasslu għat-tqala. Ma jfissirx li min hu favur il-ħajja jrid isalva biss il-ħajja tat-tarbija, mingħajr ma jaħseb fuq il-kwalità tal-ħajja tagħha wara t-twelid. Lanqas ma jinjoraw lill-adulti mdaħħlin fil-biċċa, speċjalment fejn ikun hemm l-abbuż u l-vjolenza.

Li tkun kontra l-abort ifisser li kemm in-nisa u kemm it-tarbija li għadha ma twelditx huma prezzjużi. Fil-fatt ħafna gruppi favur il-ħajja joffru appoġġ matul it-tqala permezz ta’ centri ta’ kriżi, servizzi ta’ counselling, aġenziji tal-addozzjoni, fostering u ħafna faċilitajiet oħra li jistgħu jgħinu lill-omm fil-prattika u finanzjarjament, kif ukoll biex is-sigurtà tat-tarbija tkun aċċertata.

L-idea li l-abort huwa sikur 100% għall-mara huwa ’l bogħod mill-verità

Fih innifsu l-abort mhuwiex xi proċedura sempliċi – lanqas xejn. Barra minn hekk iħalli ħafna effetti fiżiċi, emozzjonali u psikoloġiċi li ftit li xejn inqisuhom. Il-verità hi li hawn nisa li jmutu wara li jagħmlu abort. Kultant jissugraw li jitilfu l-fertilità tagħhom. U ġieli jispiċċaw fis-swali tal-emerġenza minħabba kumplikazzjonijiet serji wara din il-proċedura.

Barra minn hekk, il-ħsara psikoloġika tista’ ddum snin ma tidher. Imma mbagħad, kif jistgħu jixhdu għadd kbir ta’ nisa, l-effetti jafu jkunu tassew serji. Huwa għalhekk li dawk li huma favur il-ħajja jappoġġjaw lin-nisa li qegħdin iħabbtu wiċċhom ma’ tqala mhux ippjanata. Lin-nisa juruhom li jista’ jkun hemm soluzzjonijiet oħra minflok li jtemmu t-tqala – u, jekk ikunu ddeċidew li jagħmlu abort, joffrulhom il-counselling xorta waħda.

Għalhekk li tkun favur il-ħajja iffisser ifisser li int favur in-nisa u l-benessseri tagħhom.

Fejn jidħlu d-drittijiet tal-mara fuq ġisimha, il-moviment favur il-ħajja jaċċetta u jirrispetta l-fatt li hi intitolata għalihom mija fil-mija. Però, meta tarbija tkun konċepita, ikun hemm żewġ persuni, mhux waħda. It-tnejn li huma għandhom id-drittijiet, u l-iktar wieħed bażiku huwa d-dritt għall-ħajja. Il-mara trid tqis li l-persuna l-oħra – it-tarbija fil-ġuf – ukoll jistħoqqilha li li jkollha d-drittijiet, daqskemm għandha hi.

Anke jekk it-tarbija titnissel wara stupru, hi wkoll, bħal ommha, hija vittma. Mhux sewwa li dik it-tarbija tħallas hi b’ħajjitha għar-reat li jkun wettaq ħaddieħor. Meta l-omm lit-tarbija tkun tridha, tkun lesta tiġġieled għal ħajjitha u għad-drittijiet ta’ dik it-tarbija, anke meta tkun għadha f’ġufha.Għaliex m’għandux ikun hekk ukoll meta t-tarbija ma tkunx mixtieqa? Sa mill-mument tat-tnissil, kollha kemm aħna jixirqilna li jkollna ċans li ngħixu, li nitwieldu, li neżistu…li nkunu.

U dawk li għandhom mard terminali, dawk li huma ta’ saħħa dgħajfa ħafna, u l-persuni b’diżabilitajiet serji?

F’dawn il-każi kollha, il-gruppi favur il-ħajja b’saħħithom kollha lesti li jaħdmu biex ikun hemm titjib fil-kura paljattiva u l-appoġġ għal min jeħtieġhom. Dawk li huma favur il-ħajja huma kontra – u bil-kbir – li ħajja umana tintemm bil-ħsieb u bi pjan. Jagħmlu hekk mhux għax ma jimpurtahomx minn min qed ibati, imma għaliex l-ewtanasja twassal għall-kultura tal-mewt li tfisser li l-ħajja tista’ taqbad u tarmiha.

Wieħed jifhem li meta persuna jkollha uġigħ kbir jew, lanqas biss tkun tista’ tieħu ħsieb il-bżonnijiet l-aktar bażiċi tagħha tkun tixtiequ li jintemm kollox malajr kemm jista’ jkun. Fil-fatt, pazjent għandu kull dritt jirrifjuta l-kura medika li se sservi biss biex ittawallu t-tbatija.

Imma huwa kontradittorju u kontra l-ħajja li jkun hemm min bi ħsieb jgħinek tmut, meta skont il-professjoni tiegħu, suppost isalvalek ħajtek.

U xi ngħidu għal dawk il-każi kollha fejn isir użu milll-ewtanasja  biex issolvi d-depressjoni? Jew għax jinqala’ saram serju fil-ħajja? Jew anke biex  tneħħi l-ħajja ta’ xi ħadd li twieled b’diżabilità, jew biż-żmien sar diżabbli? Fil-ħajja ta’ kuljum spiss jingħad “Għaliex ma nistax nagħmel li rrid b’ħajti?“

Imma min jagħmel din il-mistoqsija donnu jinsa li l-każi ta’ ewtanasja huma biss numru żgħir meta tqabbilhom mal-mijiet ta’ eluf ta’ persuni b’diżabbilità li ħafna nies jgħożżu u li huma rappreżentati minn gruppi favur persuni b’diżabbilità. Dawn il-gruppi huma bi ħġarhom huma favur il-ħarsien tal-memebri vulnerabbli tagħhom.

Palmer Williams ġabar bl-aħjar mod il-kunċett li tkun favur il-ħajja.

Williams li huwa Avukat Anzjan mal-American Center for Law and Justice – li jispeċjalizza fuq kwistjonijiet governattivi, il-qdusija tal-ħajja u l-liġi internazzjonali – qal:

 Fuq kollox, il-moviment favur il-ħajja għandu għeruq imqabbdin sew fit-twemmin fundamentali li l-ħajja kollha, żgħira kemm hi żgħira, fqira kemm hi fqira, u anke jekk mhix mixtieqa, jistħoqqilha l-protezzjoni.

Dawk fostna li huma favur il-ħajja jiġġieldu għad-dinjità intrinsika li hemm f’kull ħajja ta’ bniedem, hi x’inhi l-età u hu x’inhu l-istadju ta’ żvilupp li waslet fih. L-impenn tagħna favur dik il-persuna ma jintemmx fis-sala tal-ħlas. Fil-fatt, jibda proprju hemm.

Li tkun favur il-ħajja jfisser li tiddefendi lil dawk li għadhom ma twildux, lir-romol, lill-persuni b’diżabilità, lill-orfni, eżatt bħal jagħmlu l-għaqdiet li jaħdmu għal dawk li għandhom bżonnijiet speċjali jew jgħinu lill-familji jaddottaw l-orfni. Li tkun favur il-ħajja jfisser li sservi l-iżgħar fost dawk li jgħixu qribna jew imbiegħda minna, bħalma jagħmlu l-għaqdiet li jgiħnu lil dawk li m’għandhomx saqaf fuq rashom jew dawk li ħarbu l-gwerer.. Li tkun favur il-ħajja jfisser li tibni istituzzjoinijiet li jgħinu lill-bnedmin kollha jiżviluppaw.’’

Referenza: http://aclj.org/pro-life/what-does-it-really-mean-to-be-pro-life

 

 

A Cry in the Womb by Shirley Jobson

A Cry in the Womb by Shirley Jobson

PART 1 – ‘It’

I can hear my mother crying again. That’s all she ever seems to do! At night, she wakes up screaming, startling me out of my peaceful snooze. Often, during the day, I hear her speaking to someone who has a very soft voice, one which I have been hearing very frequently. But my mother doesn’t ever seem to calm down.

Her voice breaks as I hear her repeat over and over, “I don’t want it! How can I keep it? It will only remind me of that day!” I don’t understand what she is saying. But every time she mentions ‘that day’, she cries. Why is she so sad?

As I float around in the comfort of her womb, I decide that I don’t want to leave it. It’s cosy in here, it feels safe. My mother’s fear and despair reach me in waves, and I don’t like how that makes me feel. If that is what it means to live in the outside world, then I don’t want to be out there.

That’s it—I won’t leave! I’ll stay in here where it’s safe!

——————–

The therapist doesn’t understand me. If she did, why would she keep telling me that I should consider keeping this…this…thing growing inside me? I cannot even bring myself to refer to ‘it’ by the proper word. I don’t even want to think about ‘it’.

Every time I do, I remember that horrible day. Each time I close my eyes, I see his leering face, looming over me. I feel the excruciating pain over and over again. I experience the numbness that had crept through me, the loss of time and space that had engulfed me, as I stared over his shoulder and willed myself to be anywhere but there.

The therapist keeps telling me that what I want to do will not help me—that it won’t take my pain away, but that it will in fact increase it tenfold. But she doesn’t know anything. What she is suggesting is unthinkable. How can I keep ‘it’? I’m still young, my life is just starting. There’s no room in there for anyone else, especially one who would be a constant reminder of that day. And what if ‘it’ looked like him? I shudder with revulsion.

The therapist also tells me that there are many willing couples who want a baby, no matter the circumstances of its conception. But that would mean that I would have to go through long months of body changes and discomfort, then pass through the pain of hours of labour, and finally give birth to ‘it’. From what I know, none of this is a walk in the park. Women giving birth are never portrayed as calm, collected, and full of smiles—quite the opposite in fact!

Why should I have to go through all that, when none of all that happened is my fault?

No, I have made up my mind. This is the only solution. This will make it all go away, and then I can get back to my life. Then I can begin to forget. Besides, ‘it’ is not even human yet. That’s what everyone says. So ‘it’ won’t feel anything—right?

Yes, I am positive this is the right decision, no matter what anyone else says. I’m the one going through this after all. It’s my body, it’s my right! And for the first time in weeks, as I pick up the phone and make the call, I feel that I am finally regaining control over my life.

————————————————————————————————————

PART 2 – Would it hurt?

I suck my little thumb as I doze on and off. My mother seems much happier these days. I’ve stopped hearing the other woman’s soft voice, so maybe she was the one making my mother cry. Well, whatever the reason, I’m glad my mother is feeling better. Last time, I even felt her give a little laugh. It made her belly shake a bit, and it gave me a good feeling.

Maybe it’s not so bad out there after all. But I still feel so much safer in here. I can hear the beat of her heart. I can feel her movements, hear her voice as she speaks. Why would I want to leave?

——————–

I look around the waiting room nervously. Ever since I made up my mind to do this, I have felt so much better. And yet, deep inside, I am scared too. What will they do to me? Would it hurt? And will it really make all my pain go away?

Stop that, I chide myself mentally. You know you’re doing the right thing; stop thinking like that. I look at my mother sitting next to me, staring into space. Even she had agreed that this may well be the only solution to my predicament.

And yet, I know that she still feels a measure of doubt. It’s understandable. This procedure carries its own risks after all. But I’d rather go through with it, than have to endure another day with ‘it’ inside me. It’s been there too long already!

And then, before I know it, my name is being called, and I am ushered into one of the inner rooms. This is it, I think to myself, there’s no going back now. Soon, it will all be over. Then, I will be free again. What will that feel like? I wonder…

————————————————————————————————————

PART 3 – This will be over soon!

I wonder what my mother is doing. She is lying down in a funny position, and she is speaking to someone I’ve never heard before. She asks if it will hurt. I don’t know what she is talking about.

I stretch out my tiny fingers and watch them move. They are growing fast, and so are my toes. Does my mother know how quickly my little body is developing? I close my eyes and sigh contentedly.

But suddenly I am jolted awake. What’s happening? I feel my mother tense, and it overwhelms me. For the first time in my young life, I feel the edges of fear. I don’t like it. What is going on?

——————–

I gasp as the doctor inserts the cold metal instrument inside me. The events of ‘that day’ flash once again before my eyes as my body closes up instinctively. The doctor tells me patiently to relax, or it will hurt more.

I try to make my muscles let go, but it feels like I’m being raped all over again. I’m finding it difficult to breathe. I twist my head round in panic. The nurse takes my hand and squeezes it gently. She has kind eyes.

Calm down, I tell myself. Think of the future. This will be over in a few minutes, and then your life can go on as it was before. Just hold on a bit longer; just be strong. This will be over soon!

————————————————————————————————————

PART 4 – What have I done?

I jump as a long cold thing invades my haven. What’s going on? What are they doing to my mother? I try to move away from it, as far as I can. But there’s nowhere to go. It touches me again, and I jerk away in panic.

Mum, what’s happening? What’s this horrible thing? I thrash around, but there’s no escape.

Suddenly, I feel something I never felt before. The cold thing pulls at my leg, and the water around me immediately changes colour. I cannot see, but I feel like I’m being pulled apart. I open my mouth and scream soundlessly.

Mum, Mum, help me please! Make them stop! Mum…it hurts! Why…why are…they doing this…to us? Muuuummmmmm…

——————–

It is finally over. I try not to look at the red blobs floating around in the bowl next to me, but my eyes keep turning towards them. I stare in morbid fascination at what is left of ‘it’. There is so much blood. For a moment, I wonder whether ‘it’ was a boy or a girl…

I shake myself mentally. Stop thinking like that! You’re free now. ‘It’ is finally gone. You did it!

So…then…why am I feeling so empty deep inside? Why are tears forming in my eyes? Why do I feel overwhelmed by sadness?

The nurse helps me up slowly. I feel sore inside and out. What have I done?

Stop! You did the right thing. It was the only way out. You’ll be fine once the shock of it all wears off. The nurse is offering me a cup of tea. I accept gratefully. Yes, I’ll be fine once I have some tea. I will be—for sure!

————————————————————————————————————

PART 5 – Innocent

He or she would have been 5 years old today. The therapist asks me how that makes me feel. I don’t know what to tell her. Not a day passes that I don’t think about my baby. And every year, on this date, I wonder what it would have been like if I had let it live.

I had thought that having an abortion would solve all my problems. But the therapist had been right. It had indeed only served to add to my pain. In the aftermath, I not only had to deal with the trauma of the rape, I was also facing insurmountable feelings of guilt and heartache from the loss of my child.

My dreams have now gotten worse—if that is even possible. I have started avoiding sleep altogether. I lie wide awake every night, tears pooling onto my pillow. Faceless babies float around me as soon as I close my eyes, their tiny fingers reaching out to me futilely.

How could I ever have thought that I was doing the right thing? I realise now that my baby had been an innocent victim too, one which I had discarded so cruelly. What that man had done to me that day was unforgivable. He had abused my body and bruised my soul horrifically. I hadn’t mattered to him.

But I myself was no better than him. I could have explored other options. I should have given my baby the chance to be born, to play, to learn; to grow up into a young man or woman; to experience joy, wonder, and excitement; to fall in love, to see the world, to live! Instead, I chose to steal away its innocent life, without thinking of it as a person in its own right.

 The pain and horror from the rape have started to fade, and I am slowly picking up the pieces of that part of my life. But the agony from my abortion is as fresh as the day I had it. I made my baby pay with its life for a crime that someone else had committed.

Will I ever be able to forgive myself for what I had done? I wonder…

Life in the womb – Suzette Muscat

Life in the womb – Suzette Muscat

A journey of a thousand miles begins with a single step, This Chinese proverb means that a person must begin his or her journey to reach their goal or destination.

The first step of Life begins at conception, to undo what is done, to end the journey and of course not reach the goal of the chance to life, we have to succumb to removing a life that started, if that life began in a woman’s womb, that same life is no other, than that of a human being, to stop that life, means stopping a heartbeat, all this epitomises to terminating a life, no matter how respectful we try to sound, by terminating a life we are murdering an unborn child.

We need to understand that creating a life is a God given privilege that can not be taken for granted.

My heart bleeds for women who would give their right arm, to carry a baby in their womb to have a child of their own, while, on the side of the spectrum there are other mothers, who are rooting for abortion, just because they want choice over their body.

What about those women who miscarry a baby, what about the women who are not even given a chance to be born, just because they are girls? Are the pro-abortion lobby aware and caring for these women, when they frantically crusade in favour of abortion?

A pro abort woman speaks of choice over her body, to handle as she pleases, to a certain extent that can be granted, but what that same woman seems to omit, is the fact that once impregnated, there is another body who needs to be protected, she/he also needs care, ultimately she/he needs to be given a voice, if the baby’s own mother is unaware of this, there are other women and men for that matter, out there, who are willing to give that unborn child a voice, a chance at choice and fundamentally a chance at life.

With the proposed bill, every baby in the womb will be in danger, being destroyed at any moment by its parents or even just by her/his mother.

The irony is that every being, who speaks in favour of abortion was born because her/his mother chose not to condemn her/his chance at life, her/his mother’s choice was life.

A mother’s love knows no boundaries, a mother’s love is something that no one can explain, it is made of deep devotion and of sacrifice and pain.

Therefore, I beseech you to understand the inhumane action of ripping a child from its mother’s womb and killing it, at whatever stage in the journey of gestation.

We are irritated of hearing scary tactics, which try to depict pregnant women of being denied life saving treatment, our maternal mortality rate is one of the best in the world and this, is without resorting to abortion.

Let us not be misled by the proposal of decriminalising abortion, no woman in Malta has ever been sent to prison after having an abortion.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Whither Malta now? – Ivan Padovani

Whither Malta now? – Ivan Padovani

Marlene Farrugia, never one for the quiet life, has put in the long-anticipated plug for abortion legalisation in Malta. One has to marvel at the whimsiness of her views on this subject, among others, and it is hard to say where she will stand on the matter tomorrow but for today, at any rate, she appears to be fired by an irresistible compulsion to see to it that abortion is decriminalised, if not actually legalised altogether.

The Covid crisis spawned a population of overnight experts on virology and vaccinology. Truth and fiction became hopelessly intertwined. In all probability, the complexly nuanced differences between decriminalisation and outright legalisation will be subjected to the same process of befuddlement. Abortionists are exulting at the looming prospect of new legislation. After all, if the desired objective of randomly ripping babies to shreds in the womb is to be achieved, this is the direction change must take. They will, however, make a point of playing down the enormous import of decriminalisation. But the fact is that decriminalisation renders the act of killing the unborn child into something of no more legal significance than, say, parking on a double-yellow line. And to those who have not yet been quite anaesthetised to any sense of right and wrong, the inevitable implications of the deliberate trivialisation of the destruction of human life will be justifiably appalling.

Whither Malta now ? Our nation’s sense of ethics and morality has been under siege for a very long time. How well will it face down this last assault ?

If at all.
Time will tell.

LE, għad-dekriminalizzazzjoni tal-abort – Doris Zammit

LE, għad-dekriminalizzazzjoni tal-abort – Doris Zammit

“Nazzjon li joqtol lil uliedu stess huwa nazzjon mingħajr tama”, John Paul II

Jidher li f’Malta l-mentalità ta’ xejn mhu xejn, daħlet sew. Il-ħażin sar tajjeb. Dak li kien ħażin snin ilu, issa sar tajjeb, għax ħafna jgħidu li evolvejna, li x-xjenza evolviet u aħna magħha. Id-dinja nbiddlet. Tabilħaqq id-dinja nbiddlet. Imma tgħid għat-tajjeb? Ma nafx jien jekk hux għat-tajjeb għallanqas fi ftit affarijiet!! Dak li konna naħsbu li hu ħażin 50 sena ilu, issa b’xi mod indawru ‘l hemm u ndawru ‘l hawn, skużi minn hemm u skużi minn hawn, ġibna kollox fejn ridna. Il-kuxjenza sikkitniha biex ma titkellimx, ħalli ma twiddibniex, u għalhekk nistgħu nagħmlu li rridu. 

U b’dan niġi għas-suġġett li xtaqt niddiskuti magħkom illum, anzi biex inkun għidt kollox, nagħti l-opinjoni umli tiegħi, forsi għal min jafni  jista’ jgħid wara li jaqra dak li għandi xi ngħid , li jien ma evolvejtx għax dak li kien ħażin 50 sena ilu llum jien għadni ngħidlu ħażin.

Intant diskussjonijiet pubbliċi dwar l-abort huma dejjem diffiċli. Sintendi dawn ikunu affettwati minn stigma, twemmin reliġjuż, u konvinzjonijiet morali profondi.

Id-diskussjoni dwar l-abort reġgħet qamet dan l-aħħar ġranet wara li l-Onor. Marlene Farrugia, għoġobha tressaq fil-parlament abbozz ta’ liġi intiz biex jipprovdi għal dekriminalizzazzjoni tal-abort.

Jien nemmen dak li tikkonferma wkoll ix-xjenza, jiġifieri, bħal ma jemmnu eluf oħra bħali bl-aktar mod assolut li l-ħajja tibda sa mill-konċepiment. Għalhekk jien ma nistax inkun  favur id-dekriminalizzazzjoni tal-abort. Inħoss anzi nemmen b’saħħti kollha li din il-liġi jekk tiġi fis-seħħ tkun qed tagħti lok biex jidħol l-abort pulit, pulit, għax nibdew inġibu kull skuża taħt il-kappa tax-xemx biex intemmu t-tqala għaliex bid-dekriminalizzazzjoni l-abort ma jibqax jitqies bħala reat kriminali anzi la jkun permissibbli jista’ jwassal għal abbuż.

Irridu nitilqu mill-premessa li l-iżvilupp tat-tqala jibda mill-fertilizzazzjoni fejn fil-fatt jibda l-iżvilupp tal-bniedem uman. Jibda u jkompli bħala embrijun jiġifieri sa tmiem l-għaxar/tnax-il ġimgħa fejn l-embrijun ikun ħa l-forma bażika tiegħu u aħna nirreferu għalih bħala fetu sa ma jitwieled.

Intom qatt smajtu li xi mara li abortiet marret il-ħabs? Żgur li mhux f’dawn l-aħħar 40 sena. Billi hemm il-liġi ma jfissirx li qed nitfgħu n-nies il-ħabs. Il-liġi  tipproteġi t-tarbija fil-ġuf. Però nemmen li jekk din il-liġi titneħħa jkollna liġi tal-ġungla għax kulħadd jagħmel li jrid, aktar milli qed jagħmel bħalissa. 

Id-definizzjoni ta’ abort hija t-tmiem intenzjonat ta’ tqala, li tirriżulta fil-mewt tat-tarbija fil-ġuf. L-abort itemm ħajja u li xi ħadd b’kapriċċ itemm il-ħajja ta’ xi ħadd ieħor b’għażla mhux ġustizzja. Issib min jargumenta li l-fetu mhux tarbija u mhux ħaj qabel ma jitwieled, imma skont il-bioloġija l-ħajja hija kontinwa u tibda mal-fertiliżazzjoni.

Aħna x’aħna ilkoll nafu li jekk toqtol bniedem mhux sewwa, allura għaliex nipproponu l-qtil premeditat ta’ tarbija innoċenti? Hekk sew li rridu nġibu lil pajjiżna jemmen li jekk toqtol bniedem huwa tajjeb? Jew li tużah kif trid u wara tarmih.?

Anke l-Eċċ. Tiegħu l-President ta’ Malta, Dr George Vella stqarr b’mod ċar li “ lest nirriżenja jekk f’pajjiżna tidħol liġi li tħalli l-abort isir.” U  “m’hemmx nofs mewt u jekk ħa toqtol, toqtol u jekk ma toqtolx ma toqtolx.”

Il-qtil ta’ tarbija innoċenti huwa mingħajr ebda eċċezzjoni, att kriminali, aktar u aktar meta dan ma jistax jiddefendi ruħu. U allura aktar tagħmlu gravi. U kemm huwa akbar il-fatt li tkun qed toqtlu l-omm li fil-bidu kienet tagħtu l-ħajja. M’hemmx x’niddiskutu, dan huwa att mill-aktar makabru mill-bidu sal-aħħar.  M’hemmx imma u jew…. Irridu niftakru li t-twelid ta’ tarbija mhux dritt li jingħata lil kulħadd imma huwa biss rigal minn Alla. U hekk għandu jibqa’ u mhux nagħtuh forma kif irridu aħna. 

Ma nistax ma nepatizzax ma’ dawk in-nisa li jew jinqabdu bi tqala mhux mixtieqa jew mhux mistennija. Hija sitwazzjoni diffiċli. Jiena favur li jittieħdu l-miżuri kollha meħtieġa ta’ sapport lil dawn in-nisa, mingħajr ma tkun ipperikolata l-ħajja tat-tarbija kemm qabel u wara t-twelid.

Huwa tajjeb li qabel ma titwieled noqtlu ħajja bl-abort, sew bil-pinnoli li jabortu lit-tarbija, jew modi oħra?

Ejjew nidħlu fiż-żarbun tat-tarbija, kieku dik it-tarbija kont jien, kont inkun irrid li joqtluni qabel nitwieled?

Naqbel mija fil-mija ma’ Life Network meta jgħidu li “Id-dekriminalizzazzjoni tal-abort ifisser li minn dak il-ħin inkunu qed ngħidu li l-abort mhux xi ħaġa ħażina. Id-dekriminalizzazzjoni iġib l-abort f’Malta. Ċara daqs il-kristall. Id-dekriminalizzazzjoni tal-abort iwassal mhux biss li l-abort ma jibqax jitqies bħala reat kriminali imma li ma jkunx regolat u faċilment iwassal għal abbuż għax isir permissibbli

(a) f’kull stadju tat-tqala anki lejlet it-twelid u

(b) f’kull ċirkostanza.

Apparti minn hekk, tobba u infermiera jkunu jistgħu jeqirdu l-ħajja ta’ tarbija mhux imwielda, qisu ma ġara xejn u bil-libertà kollha, u dan meta sal-lum il-ġurnata l-abort jitqies minn bosta professjonisti mediċi Maltin u barranin li jmur kontra l-prinċipji tal-etika li fuqhom jimxu u li jorbtu lill-professjonisti mediċi fil-prattika tagħhom. Aktar gravi minn hekk, l-abbozz jirrevoka wkoll il-provvediment li jikriminalizza l-abort ikkaġunat minħabba negliġenza medika jew b’nuqqas ta’ ħila!”

Nagħlaq billi nikkwota lill-Qaddisa Madre Teresa “L-Abort joqtol darbtejn. Joqtol ġisem it-tarbija u joqtol il-kuxjenza tal-omm.”  

Le, għad-dekriminalizzazzjoni tal-abort.

 

A Mandate to Deceive – Charlene Giordmaina

A Mandate to Deceive – Charlene Giordmaina

Let us say a general election has just been announced and you are weighing your options as to which political party, or parties, you will be voting for when you cast your vote on election day. On what basis are you going to decide your vote? One element, amongst others, which should always play an important part when making such a decision would be to analyse what the respective political parties are promising to the electorate. Such promises come in the form of an electoral manifesto.

The late British Labour politician and former Cabinet Minister Peter Shore once described electoral manifestos as “a party’s contract with the electorate”, and that is what a manifesto is all about; it is about a political party entering into a contract with the electorate that, should it be elected to government, it will adhere to and ensure the implementation of those specific promises. An electoral manifesto is not just a piece of paper to make the political party look attractive and appealing to the electorate, it is much more than that. Irrespective of whether the majority of the electorate bases its vote on that manifesto or not, the party elected to government must ensure that it implements the promises made in that manifesto, nothing more, nothing less.

The rationale behind the political manifesto submitted to the public prior to a general election is clear – each respective political party officially declares what its agenda and priority areas in a number of fields shall be, should that political party be elected to government. Prior to the 2017 General Election, both parties presented their respective electoral manifesto. Let’s take the Labour Party’s electoral manifesto – LGBTIQ rights, decriminalisation of cannabis and prostitution, as well as the introduction of cremation were mentioned black on white under the civil rights section. One has every right to disagree with these proposals, but one of course cannot say that these proposals did not form part of the Labour Government’s agenda. The same can be said for the Nationalist Party.

One topic, however, which both the Labour Party and the Nationalist Party electoral manifesto failed to address is abortion. So how can we say that the government, or the opposition, and much less so, an individual member of Parliament, has an electoral mandate to introduce abortion in Malta when this is not what the public voted for? To make matters worse, the decriminalisation of abortion bill was presented in Parliament by a member of parliament that first was elected to Parliament as part of a political coalition between PN and the short-lived PD, and then later resigned to become an independent MP. This goes against the principle of good governance.

In addition, abortion was not just on any electoral manifesto, but up till a very few weeks prior to the 2017 general election, both the Labour Party and the Nationalist Party were insisting that abortion was not on the agenda.

In fact, in the first of a series of political debates organised by the Broadcasting Authority during the 2017 electoral campaign, Forza Nazzjonali, which was being represented by amongst others Dr. Marlene Farrugia herself as leader of PD, declared that it is categorically against abortion, because the parties (i.e. the parties constituting Forza Nazzjonali, these being the Nationalist Party and the Democratic Party led by Marlene Farrugia) believed in the sanctity of life. Having bound herself by this electoral pledge Dr. Marlene Farrugia would be shortchanging the very essence of being truthful to your electorate and outrightly violating any sense of political decency and honesty with the electorate. Dr Farrugia cannot decide to change track simply because it now suits her political agenda to do so.

The very least an electorate can expect from the political parties and representatives it elects to Parliament is transparency and clarity as to what their political agenda is. Promising one thing because at the time it might not be so popular to promise otherwise, and then doing the exact opposite a few years down the line during the same legislature just because you might feel that that topic is now more popular, or just because you are attempting to salvage your political future, is unfounded. This clearly shows that no political party, much less so an individual MP, has an electoral mandate to introduce abortion in Malta at present.

Matic Slaughter of Human Rights

Matic Slaughter of Human Rights

The Matic report was yesterday endorsed with 378 votes in favour, 255 against and 42 abstentions. The Maltese MEP vote was as follows: Alex Agius Saliba, David Casa and Roberta Metsola voted against, Cyrus Engerer voted in favour, and Josianne Cutajar and Alfred Sant abstained.

 The Life Network Foundation, Doctors for Life, The Malta Chamber of Pharmacists, Malta Unborn Child Platform and various other had alerted the Maltese Members of the European Parliament as well as Maltese members of Parliament and/or issued press statements criticizing this report and urging them to defend the rights of conscientious objection of professionals to abortion and to defend the principle of subsidiarity and reject the Matic report.

The Matic report is a radical proposal framed in women’s rights language that seeks to undermine fundamental freedoms in many European countries today. It makes a frontal attack on the right to freedom of expression, the right to freedom of conscience, the right to freedom of religion, the right of parents as primary educators of their children, and, above all, the right to life for all people.

It recommends state-funding for abortion as well as an end to the possibility for medical staff to resort to conscientious objection concerning the termination of pregnancies.

It requests that in member states sex education be made compulsory in primary schools, following the guidelines of the WHO, which might not be acceptable to many parents.

This is an alarming threat to freedom of expression. It also breaches the principle of subsidiarity whereby decisions are taken by the individual states. The sensitive topic of abortion should be discussed by the Maltese people and decided at a national level, and not imposed by some EU agenda. It should be emphasised that the Malta Protocol was included in the Treaty of Accession  so that  matters relating to  abortion would always be decided by the Maltese people and no one else.

The endorsement of this report strengthens our resolve to work further in promoting the real issues setting women back in society, to increase our support to pregnant women and to educate to save lives.

The results of prolife work are visible and can be counted. They are women empowered, women restored, and newborn babies; new lives that give hope to a Europe facing a demographic winter.

Press Release by Life Network Foundation Malta

Photo by The Climate Reality Project on Unsplash